Conference of Lausanne --Turkey (July 1923)
Greek-Turkish War (1920-22)
World War I
Allied Landings
Greek
forces with the authorization of the Supreme Allied War Council occupied Adrianople (Edirne ), Bursa , and Smyrna (Izmir ). The Greeks landed with the support of
an Allied flotilla (summer and fall of 1919). The Turks did not resist and the
Greek forces advanced to Usak, 175 kilometers inland from Izmir . There was a substantial Greek population
in western Anatolia .
Treaty of Sèvres (August
10, 1920)
The
first attempt to formally end World War I for the Ottoman Empire was the Treaty of Sèvres (August 10,
1920). This was the peace treaty between the Entente (Allies) and Associated
Powers and the Ottoman
Empire . As at Versailles , the Allies dictated the terms,
dismembering the Empire. The Allies used the same approach as with the
Austro-Hungarian Empire, dividing up the Empire into ethnically based nation
states. The Ottoman
Empire had
already lost a great deal of territory as the result of largely British
offensives, one through Palestine and Syria and the other through Iraq . The Hejaz (Saudi Arabia ) was lost through the Arab Revolt
supported by the British. An outline for the treaty had been reached at San-Remo
Conference (April 1920). Several new states were to be created under the terms
of the Sèvres Treaty. The Hejaz
(Saudi Arabia ) and Armenia were to become independent countries. Kurdistan was also to become independent and would
include Mosul . The British and French during the War
had reached the Sykes-Picot Agreement (February 1916).
This was incorporated into the Treaty. The territories involved were made
League of Nation Mandates. Mesopotamia (Iraq ) and Palestine were assigned to the British. Lebanon and Syria were assigned to the French. The Dodecanese Islands and Rhodes which had been occupied by Italy in an earlier war with the Ottomans
(1911) and small areas of southern Anatolia were to become Italian territory. Thrace and Western Anatolia including İzmir/Smyrna would become Greek
territory. The critical Bosphorus, Dardanelles and Sea
of Marmara
connecting the Black
Sea and Mediterranean were to be demilitarized and
internationalized. The Ottoman Army was restricted to a maximum 50,000 men. The
Ottoman Navy was restricted to 7 sloops and 6 torpedo boats. The Ottomans were
prohibited from creating an air force. Sèvres was near Paris and where the Treaty was signed. At the
time the Allies occupied the Ottoman capital (Istanbul ) and other areas of Turkey . The Ottoman Parliament had been forced
to close earlier (April 1920) and thus could not ratify the Treaty. Sultan
Mehmed VI Vahdeddin did not ratify it, but he was a figurehead. The Turkish
republican movement refused to ratify the Treaty. The republican movement was
led by Mustafa Kemal Pasha who was the president of the Turkish Grand National
Assembly based in Ankara which was not occupied by the Allies. The republican victory in
the Turkish War of Independence made the Ankara republicans Tyurkey's real government.
The Allies offered to adjust the Treaty, but the Ankara Government rejected it
entirely.
1920 Fighting
The
Turks did resist the Greek advance into Anatolia . The initial fighting was inconclusive
(1920).
King Constantine
King Constantine
had opposed Greece 's entry into World War I. He was essentially
deposed by the British to get Greece into the war. The Allies objected to Greece 's reinstatement of King Constantine.
Prince Andrew, the father of Britain 's Prince
Philip, was almost shot by the Greek Government in the
recriminations that followed the War.
1921 Fighting
The
military situation changed in 1921. Turkish forces commanded by Ismet Pasha
stopped Greek offensives twice at Inönü (January and April 1921). This
prevented any further Greek advances. A third Greek offensive drive the Turks
back to Sakarya Nehri, only 80 km from Ankara (July 1921). Here Atatürk took
personal command and decisively defeated the Greek Army in a bruising 20-day
battle. Greek political developments alienated the British. The French and
Italians withdrew from Anatolia (October 1921).
1922 Fighting
The Turks
launched an offensive against the Greeks (August 1922). The Turks call it the Battle of the Commander in Chief. The Turks soon
reached Izmir , trapping retreating Greek soldiers. Many
were evacuated by Allied ships. The Turks then turned to eastern Thrace . Here to get to the Greeks, the Turks
faced Allied troops defending the Ottoman Government in Constantinople/Istanbul
and the Bosphorus/Dardanelles The French Government decided to withdraw its
forces. The British prepared to defend their positions. The British did not,
however, want a war with Turkey and suggested a compromise. Atatürk
accepted the British-proposed truce.
Treaty of Mudanya
The
Armistice of Mudanya (near Bursa ) ended the fighting between Greece and Turkey (October 1922). The Greek troops withdrew
beyond the Maritsa River . The Turks occupied eastern Thracee. The
Turks as part of the Armistice accepted a continued Allied presence on the
straits and in Istanbul until a comprehensive peace settlement could be
negotiated.
Greek Refugees
Much of
the Greek population of Anatolia left with the retreating Greek Army or in the repressions and
forced resettlements conducted by the Turks after the war.
Lausanne Treaty (1923)
Population Exchange
This was
complicated by 500 years of living together and the high level of mixing of
people and culture as well as the absence of distinct ethnic differences
between Greeks and Turks. The two countries decided to only consider religion
in determining the people that were to be exchanged. Other matters such as language
and ethnicity were decided to be irrelevant. Even religion was complicated. Not
only Christians were exchanged with all Muslims. Only the Greek-Orthodox
Christians were exchanged with the Sunnite Muslims. Catholic and Protestant
Greeks were not deported, but Turkish speaking Sicilian Orthodox Christians
were exchanged. There were other exceptions, Turkish speaking Karamanlides were
sent to Greece while Greek speaking Cretan Muslims were
deported to Turkey . Substantial numbers of people were
involved. Records released through 1928 indicate that Turkey deported nearly 1.2 million Greeks, most
from Asia Minor . Greece deported about 0.4 million Turks. The
Greeks deported 0.4 million Turks. After the exchanges, about 0.2 million
Greeks remained in Turkey , mostly in Istanbul . The Greeks of Istanbul and the Turks of
Western Thrace had been exempted from the forced repatriations. Even as late as
the 1940s, there were 0.14 million Greeks living in Istanbul .
World War
I: Ottoman Empire
|
The Ottoman Empire
The image of the Empire founded
by Othman in the 13th century is not a popular one in the modern mind. There
are no romantic images as surround many other great empires such as those of
Russian Designs
Young Turks
The chronic weakness of the
Balkan
Wars (1911-13)
The Balkans Wars are very
complicated and involved extensive assaults and killing of civilians by all
sides.
German Diplomacy
Outbreak of War (August 1914)
Ottoman Army
The Ottoman Army was not prepared
for war. It totaled about 0.6 million men organized into 38 divisions. The High
Command planned to expand the Army to about 1 million men in time of war.
(Christian subjects were exempt from military service and instead paid a tax.)
The Army had experienced substantial casualties in the Balkan Wars. The Army
had not performed well in clashes with the relatively poorly equipped Balkan
armies. The prospect of war with the major powers was daunting. The Ottomans
did not produce modern artillery and weapons like machine guns. They were
equipped with mostly German and Austro-Hungarian and some French weapons.
Ottoman units were less well equipped with such weapons than the British and
French and even the less well equipped Russians. Other military units such as
supply and medical services were also woefully inadequate. While waging war
against the major European powers seems folly, key Ottoman officials were
impressed with German military and industrial powers. German victories on the
Eastern Front seemed to offer the prospect of regaining territory lost to the
Russians. Some even dreamed of retaking
Declaration of War (October 1914)
The two countries signed a secret
military alliance (October 2). The Treaty was aimed at
Significance
The primary significance of the
Turkish action wax it closed the
Caucuses Offensive
The first Ottoman offensive was
aimed at the Russian Caucuses (December). Enver Pasha as Minister of War was
the supreme commander of the Turkish armed forces. He had ambitious dreams of
not only retaking the Caucuses, but of conquering central
Armenian Genocide (1915-16)
More than a million mostly
Christian Armenians were murdered by Ottoman authorities during World War I.
Clara Barton led the first Red Cross relief effort conducted outside the
Gallipoli (1915)
Russian armies on the Eastern
Front suffered massive losses as a result of German offensives (1914-15).
Mesopotamia
British Indian forces launched an
offensive against Turkish held
Home Front
The
Arab Revolt
The Arab revolt in the
Egypt and Palestine
Armistice (October 30, 1918)
The Ottomans with their armies
being destroyed in the field agreed to an armistice on Mudros, ending the
fighting.
Treaty of Sèvres (August 10, 1920)
World War I for the
Turkish War of Independence
The Turkish National Movement,
gathered around the Turkish Grand National Assembly successfully emerged as the
replacement to the
Turkish Diplomacy
The new Turkish Government
totally rejected the Sèvres Treaty. Instead they negotiated a series of
treaties with the former belligerent powers. Here the Republican success in
organizing a viable military force was an important factor. Another was the
fact that the Allies excluded the Soviet Government from the peace talks. The
Turks first negotiated the Treaty of Moscow with the new Soviet Government
(March 16, 1921). The Soviets were the first European country to recognize
Greek-Turkish War (1920-21)
Greek forces with the
authorization of the Supreme Allied War Council occupied
Armenian War (1919-21)
The Armenians proclaimed a
republic (1919). The Allies supported an Armenian state. The Armenian
population in eastern
Conference of Lausanne (July 1923)
Turkish Republic
The Grand National Assembly in
response to Allied desires to include both the new Republican Government and
the Ottoman Istanbul government in peace negotiations approved a resolution
separating the offices of sultan and caliph and abolished the office of the
sultan (November 1922). This essentially brought the
Sources
Erickson, Edward J. Ottoman
Army Effectiveness in World War I: A Comparative Study.Erickson, Edward J. Ordered to Die: A History of the Ottoman Army in the First World War. (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2001). 256p.
Fromkin, David. A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the
MILESTONES: 1914–1920
The Paris Peace Conference and the Treaty of Versailles
The Paris Peace Conference convened in January 1919 at Versailles just outside Paris. The conference was called to establish the terms of the peace after World War I. Though nearly thirty nations participated, the representatives of the United Kingdom, France, the United States, and Italy became known as the “Big Four.” The “Big Four” dominated the proceedings that led to the formulation of the Treaty of Versailles, a treaty that ended World War I.
The Treaty of Versailles articulated the compromises reached at the conference. It included the planned formation of the League of Nations, which would serve both as an international forum and an international collective security arrangement. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson was a strong advocate of the League as he believed it would prevent future wars.
Treaty of Versailles
Negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference were complicated. The United Kingdom, France, and Italy fought together as the Allied Powers during the First World War. The United States, entered the war in April 1917 as an Associated Power. While it fought alongside the Allies, the United States was not bound to honor pre-existing agreements among the Allied Powers. These agreements focused on postwar redistribution of territories. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson strongly opposed many of these arrangements, including Italian demands on the Adriatic. This often led to significant disagreements among the “Big Four.”
Treaty negotiations were also weakened by the absence of other important nations. Russia had fought as one of the Allies until December 1917, when its new Bolshevik Government withdrew from the war. The Bolshevik decision to repudiate Russia’s outstanding financial debts to the Allies and to publish the texts of secret agreements between the Allies concerning the postwar period angered the Allies. The Allied Powers refused to recognize the new Bolshevik Government and thus did not invite its representatives to the Peace Conference. The Allies also excluded the defeated Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey, and Bulgaria).
According to French and British wishes, the Treaty of Versailles subjected Germany to strict punitive measures. The Treaty required the new German Government to surrender approximately 10 percent of its prewar territory in Europe and all of its overseas possessions. It placed the harbor city of Danzig (now Gdansk) and the coal-rich Saarland under the administration of the League of Nations, and allowed France to exploit the economic resources of the Saarland until 1935. It limited the German Army and Navy in size, and allowed for the trial of Kaiser Wilhelm II and a number of other high-ranking German officials as war criminals. Under the terms of Article 231 of the Treaty, the Germans accepted responsibility for the war and the liability to pay financial reparations to the Allies. The Inter-Allied Commission determined the amount and presented its findings in 1921. The amount they determined was 132 billion gold Reichmarks, or 32 billion U.S. dollars, on top of the initial $5 billion payment demanded by the Treaty. Germans grew to resent the harsh conditions imposed by the Treaty of Versailles.
Henry Cabot Lodge
While the Treaty of Versailles did not satisfy all parties concerned, by the time President Woodrow Wilson returned to the United States in July 1919, U.S. public opinion overwhelmingly favored ratification of the Treaty, including the Covenant of the League of Nations. However, in spite of the fact that 32 state legislatures passed resolutions in favor of the Treaty, the U.S. Senate strongly opposed it.
Senate opposition cited Article 10 of the Treaty, which dealt with collective security and the League of Nations. This article, opponents argued, ceded the war powers of the U.S. Government to the League’s Council. The opposition came from two groups: the “Irreconcilables,” who refused to join the League of Nations under any circumstances, and “Reservationists,” led by Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman, Henry Cabot Lodge, who wanted amendments made before they would ratify the Treaty. While Chairman Lodge's attempt to pass amendments to the Treaty was unsuccessful in September, he did manage to attach 14 “reservations” to it in November. In a final vote on March 19, 1920, the Treaty of Versailles fell short of ratification by seven votes. Consequently, the U.S. Government signed the Treaty of Berlin on August 25, 1921. This separate peace treaty with Germany stipulated that the United States would enjoy all “rights, privileges, indemnities, reparations or advantages” conferred to it by the Treaty of Versailles, but left out any mention of the League of Nations, which the United States never joined.
MILESTONES: 1914–1920
Wilson’s Fourteen Points, 1918
The immediate cause of the United States’ entry into World War I in April 1917 was the German announcement of unrestricted submarine warfare and the subsequent sinking of ships with U.S. citizens on board. But President Woodrow Wilson’s war aims went beyond the defense of U.S. maritime interests. In his War Message to Congress, President Wilson declared that the U.S. objective was “to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world.”
President Woodrow Wilson delivering his Fourteen Points to Congress
In several speeches earlier in the year, President Wilson sketched out his vision of an end to the war that would bring a “just and secure peace,” not merely “a new balance of power.” He then appointed a committee of experts known as The Inquiry to help him refine his ideas for peace. In December 1917, he asked The Inquiry to draw up specific recommendations for a comprehensive peace settlement. Using these recommendations, Wilson presented a program of fourteen points to a joint session of Congress on January 8, 1918. Eight of the fourteen points treated specific territorial issues among the combatant nations. Five of the other six concerned general principles for a peaceful world: open covenants (i.e. treaties or agreements) openly arrived at; freedom of the seas; free trade; reduction of armaments; and adjustment of colonial claims based on the principles of self-determination. The fourteenth point proposed what was to become the League of Nations to guarantee the “political independence and territorial integrity [of] great and small states alike.”
Though Wilson’s idealism pervades the Fourteen Points, he also had more practical objectives in mind. He hoped to keep Russia in the war by convincing the Bolsheviks that they would receive a better peace from the Allies, to bolster Allied morale, and to undermine German war support. The address was immediately hailed in the United States and Allied nations, and even by Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin, as a landmark of enlightenment in international relations. Wilson subsequently used the Fourteen Points as the basis for negotiating the Treaty of Versailles that ended the war. Although the Treaty did not fully realize Wilson’s unselfish vision, the Fourteen Points still stand as the most powerful expression of the idealist strain in United States diplomacy.
MILESTONES: 1914–1920
The League of Nations, 1920
The League of Nations was an international organization, headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland, created after the First World War to provide a forum for resolving international disputes. Though first proposed by President Woodrow Wilson as part of his Fourteen Points plan for an equitable peace in Europe, the United States never became a member.
Cartoon critizing U.S. lack of participation in the League of Nations
Speaking before the U.S. Congress on January 8, 1918, President Woodrow Wilson enumerated the last of his Fourteen Points, which called for a “general association of nations…formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.” Many of Wilson’s previous points would require regulation or enforcement. In calling for the formation of a "general association of nations," Wilson voiced the wartime opinions of many diplomats and intellectuals on both sides of the Atlantic who believed there was a need for a new type of standing international organization dedicated to fostering international cooperation, providing security for its members, and ensuring a lasting peace. With Europe’s population exhausted by four years of total war, and with many in the United States optimistic that a new organization would be able to solve the international disputes that had led to war in 1914, Wilson’s articulation of a League of Nations was wildly popular. However, it proved exceptionally difficult to create, and Wilson left office never having convinced the United States to join it.
David Lloyd George of the United Kingdom
The idea of the League was grounded in the broad, international revulsion against the unprecedented destruction of the First World War and the contemporary understanding of its origins. This was reflected in all of Wilson’s Fourteen Points, which were themselves based on theories of collective security and international organization debated amongst academics, jurists, socialists and utopians before and during the war. After adopting many of these ideas, Wilson took up the cause with evangelical fervor, whipping up mass enthusiasm for the organization as he traveled to the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919, the first President to travel abroad in an official capacity.
Wilson used his tremendous influence to attach the Covenant of the League, its charter, to the Treaty of Versailles. An effective League, he believed, would mitigate any inequities in the peace terms. He and the other members of the “Big Three,” Georges Clemenceau of France and David Lloyd George of the United Kingdom, drafted the Covenant as Part I of the Treaty of Versailles. The League’s main organs were an Assembly of all members, a Council made up of five permanent members and four rotating members, and an International Court of Justice. Most important for Wilson, the League would guarantee the territorial integrity and political independence of member states, authorize the League to take “any action…to safeguard the peace,” establish procedures for arbitration, and create the mechanisms for economic and military sanctions.
Georges Clemenceau of France
The struggle to ratify the Treaty of Versailles and the Covenant in the U.S. Congress helped define the most important political division over the role of the United States in the world for a generation. A triumphant Wilson returned to the United States in February 1919 to submit the Treaty and Covenant to Congress for its consent and ratification. Unfortunately for the President, while popular support for the League was still strong, opposition within Congress and the press had begun building even before he had left for Paris. Spearheading the challenge was the Senate majority leader and chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Henry Cabot Lodge.
Motivated by Republican concerns that the League would commit the United States to an expensive organization that would reduce the United States’ ability to defend its own interests, Lodge led the opposition to joining the League. Where Wilson and the League’s supporters saw merit in an international body that would work for peace and collective security for its members, Lodge and his supporters feared the consequences of involvement in Europe’s tangled politics, now even more complex because of the 1919 peace settlement. They adhered to a vision of the United States returning to its traditional aversion to commitments outside the Western Hemisphere. Wilson and Lodge’s personal dislike of each other poisoned any hopes for a compromise, and in March 1920, the Treaty and Covenant were defeated by a 49-35 Senate vote. Nine months later, Warren Harding was elected President on a platform opposing the League.
Henry Cabot Lodge
The United States never joined the League. Most historians hold that the League operated much less effectively without U.S. participation than it would have otherwise. However, even while rejecting membership, the Republican Presidents of the period, and their foreign policy architects, agreed with many of its goals. To the extent that Congress allowed, the Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover administrations associated the United States with League efforts on several issues. Constant suspicion in Congress, however, that steady U.S. cooperation with the League would lead to de facto membership prevented a close relationship between Washington and Geneva. Additionally, growing disillusionment with the Treaty of Versailles diminished support for the League in the United States and the international community. Wilson’s insistence that the Covenant be linked to the Treaty was a blunder; over time, the Treaty was discredited as unenforceable, short-sighted, or too extreme in its provisions, and the League’s failure either to enforce or revise it only reinforced U.S. congressional opposition to working with the League under any circumstances. However, the coming of World War II once again demonstrated the need for an effective international organization to mediate disputes, and the United States public and the Roosevelt administration supported and became founding members of the new United Nations.
World War One: Paris Peace Settlement, Treaty of Versailles, 1919
Transcript
- 1. Paris Peace Settlement 1919 Sunday, 2 February 14
- 2. Syllabus • the roles and differing goals of Clemenceau, Lloyd George and Wilson in creating the Treaty of Versailles Sunday, 2 February 14
- 3. Toll of WWI • “Total war” • 65 million mobilised. • Historians estimate that up to 10 million men died and around 21 million were wounded. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 4. Toll of WWI Sunday, 2 February 14
- 5. Toll of WWI Casualties of the Allied countries: Sunday, 2 February 14
- 6. Toll of WWI Casualties of the Allied countries: ◦Britain: 750,000 killed, 1,500,000 wounded ◦France: 1,400,000 killed, 2,500,000 wounded ◦Belgium: 50,000 killed ◦Italy: 600,000 killed ◦Russia: 1,700,000 killed ◦USA: 116,000 killed Sunday, 2 February 14
- 7. Toll of WWI Casualties of the Central Powers • Germany: 2,000,000 killed • Austria-Hungary: 1,200,000 killed • Turkey: 325,000 killed • Bulgaria: 100,000 killed Sunday, 2 February 14
- 8. Vast areas of north-eastern Europe were destroyed • The homes of 750,000 French people were destroyed along with infrastructure • Roads, coal mines, telegraph poles had all been destroyed, which hindered economic restoration • Sunday, 2 February 14
- 9. •The Treaty of Versailles was signed on 28 June 1919 (exactly five years after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand) •Consisted of 440 Articles •The treaty was greeted with shock and disbelief in Germany. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 10. Versailles Conference • Delegates from 32 countries were invited to participate in talks held at the Palace of Versailles • The conference was controlled Allied delegates in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles witness the German delegation's acceptance of the terms of the Treaty Of Versailles Sunday, 2 February 14 by the “Big Three” and took months of, often bitter, negotiations
- 11. The “Big Three” George Clemenceau, France -‐ France had been devastated and 2/3 soldiers had been injured or Killed -‐ Germany should be harshly punished and pay for the war Sunday, 2 February 14 Woodrow Wilson, USA -‐ Believed in peaceful coopera?on among na?ons and the right to self-‐ determina?on David Lloyd George, Great Britain -‐ Was usually in the middle ground between Clemenceau and Wilson -‐ Germany should be punished but not harshly to prevent a new war
- 12. The Tiger • Georges Clemenceau of France argued that Germany should be split up and weakened to the point that it could never start a war again. • Clemenceau insisted upon the complete humiliation of Germany, requiring German disarmament and severe reparations; France also won back AlsaceLorraine. He was unhappy with the final treaty and believed it was not harsh enough • He believed that Woodrow Wilson was too idealistic Sunday, 2 February 14
- 13. Sunday, 2 February 14 !
- 14. The Peacemaker US President Woodrow Wilson (14 Points) he wanted a “just peace” that would ensure war could not ever occur on this scale again 1) no more secret treaties 2) countries must seek to reduce their weapons and their armed forces 3) national self-determination should allow people of the same nationality to govern themselves and one nationality should not have the power to govern another 4) all countries should belong to the League of Nations. However, Wilson’s desire for the US to take a leading role internationally was unpopular at home as most politicians supported an isolationist position - US never ratified the treaty Sunday, 2 February 14
- 15. The middle man British PM, David Lloyd George, had two views on how Germany should be treated. His government was facing elections and Lloyd George's public image reflected the punitive public mood. "Hang the Kaiser" and "Make Germany Pay" were common slogans and Lloyd George publicly backed these views. However, privately he was concerned about what the effects of a harsh treaty would be. In the context of the 1917 Russian revolution, he feared the spread of Bolshevism in Germany. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 16. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 17. Germany is going to pay. We will get everything you can squeeze out of a lemon, and a bit more. The Germans should hand over everything they own. From a speech in 1918 by Sir Eric Geddes, a British politician standing for election as an MP. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 18. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 19. ToV • June 1919 • Treaty with Germany • Was signed in the Palace of Versailles • Germany not allowed to take part in negotiations presented with terms - became known as the diktat or dictated peace • Germany had to agree to accept full responsibility for the outbreak of the First World War (the hated Clause 231 or the “War Guilt Clause”) Sunday, 2 February 14
- 20. Territorial Losses • • • • • • • • The Saar (highly industrialised, Saar coal fields) administered by the League of Nations for 15 years The creation of an independent Polish state West Prussia and Posen (rich farmlands) were given to Poland Alsace-Lorraine was given back to France Danzig was appointed as an international city Plebiscites in Upper Silesia, West Prussia and Schleswig Germany lost colonies and investments Loss of 13% land mass, 12.5% of its population,100% overseas colonies Joining of German and Austria forbidden Sunday, 2 February 14
- 21. Territorial Losses Sunday, 2 February 14
- 22. New map of Europe Sunday, 2 February 14
- 23. Military • Regular army limited to 100,000 military personnel • No tanks or heavy artillery • No airforce • Navy restricted to six battleships, no submarines (15,000 sailors) • End of compulsory enlistment into the armed forces • Rhineland to be occupied for 15 years by the allied military forces Sunday, 2 February 14
- 24. Economic • • • • • Germany to pay £6,600 million (132 billion gold marks) Reparations where to be paid in regular instalments, some in gold and some in goods The Allies struggled to get payments from Germany from 1921 to 1923 Dawes Commission 1924 France occupied the Ruhr in 1923 Germany completed the reparations payments in 2010, (£60 million) 60million Sunday, 2 February 14
- 25. Political • WWI ended the House of Hohenzollern with the forced abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II • Economic burden of the treaty affected the new government, led by the Social Democrats (SPD) • Gave rise to the Dolchstosslegende (stab in the back theory) • The politicians who signed the treaty became known as the “November Criminals” Sunday, 2 February 14
- 26. A 1924 right-wing German political cartoon showing Philipp Scheidemann, the German Social Democratic politician who proclaimed the Weimar Republic and was its second Chancellor, and Matthias Erzberger, an anti-war politician from the Centre Party, who ended WWI by signing the armistice with the Allies, as stabbing the German Army in the back Sunday, 2 February 14
- 27. • Controversial German historian Fritz Fischer wrote of the stab in the back: But even after the defeat of 1918, many Germans, and especially those who had played leading parts in political and economic life up to 1918, preserved...a political and historical image of themselves which was coloured by illusions. Because the German army on the western front had held to the last hour an unbroken defensive front outside the frontiers of the Reich, and had marched home in order, these people failed to understand that Germany had been defeated.Thus the idea took root and spread that the cause of the collapse of Germany was not her own policy or exhaustion in the face of an enemy army made stronger than her own by active American intervention, but a 'stab in the back' behind the front.The accusation was [eventually] levelled . . . against the Weimar democracy which had been forced to accept the 'dictated Treaty of Versailles' owing to 'treachery at home'.This view . . . had been propagated by the German Army Council and the press...since November, 1918.TheEvangelische Kirchenzeitung, for example, wrote on October 20 - before the November revolution: 'Collapse behind the front not collapse of our heroic front, that is the shattering phenomenon of these last days . . . .The home has not held out.' Sunday, 2 February 14
- 28. German Response • Germany had hoped for a treaty more in line with Wilson's Fourteen Points • Hated having to take responsibility for the start of the First World War • Resented that it was forced to sign the treaty without any negotiations of the terms • Disagreed with the reparations and especially the territorial losses • Angered by the exclusion from the principle of selfdetermination • The German population was angered by the treaty and wanted to see it revoked - Hitler used this to great effect Sunday, 2 February 14
- 29. German magazine Simpliccimus on June 3, 1919. The principal judges and executioners were (from left to right) the American president Wilson, the French president Clemenceau and the British Prime Minister Lloyd George Sunday, 2 February 14
- 30. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 31. Historiography Historian (British-Canadian) Martin Kitchen argues that the impression the country was crippled by the reparations was a myth. He further states that, instead of a weak Germany, the reverse was true; that Germany was strong enough to win substantial concessions and a reduced reparation amount. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 32. A.J.P. Taylor, in The History of the First World War, 1963: Though the Germans accepted the treaty in the formal sense of agreeing to sign it, none took the signature seriously. The treaty seemed to them to be wicked, unfair, dictation, a slave treaty. All Germans intended to repudiate it at some time in the future, if it did not fall to pieces of its own absurdity. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 33. Douglas Newton, in Germany 1914-1945, 1990: Whether Germany was treated justly or unjustly by the victors at the Peace Conference is not a question of fact but of moral judgment. Some argue that, if the Versailles Treaty was harsh, so too would have been any framed by a victorious Germany, as in the case of Brest-Litovsk. Others argue that any peace which fell short of the ideals of reconciliation was unjust because of the high ideals for which Allied statesmen had claimed to be fighting . . . What is beyond question is that the process of peacemaking or rather the absence of any genuine peace negotiations . . . made all of Germany believe that the [Weimar] Republic had been treated shabbily. Sunday, 2 February 14
- 34. German historian Detlev Peukert Opinions range from the traditional verdict that the national budget and economy were intolerably squeezed to the opposite view that the burden was scarcely larger than present-day aid to developing countries. For once, the truth really seems to lie somewhere between these positions. It is certainly true that the flexibility of the German economy, already constrained by the low post-war level of economic activity in any case, was further restricted by the need to pay reparations. On the other hand, the actual payments that had to made were perfectly manageable. Reparations were not, therefore, an utterly intolerable burden, especially since any clear-sighted politician could reckon that after a few years of uninterrupted payment and reduced international tension there was a reasonable chance that the overall size of the debt would be cut down Peukert argued that the reasons for German economic problems in the early 1920s were not reparations, but rather the legacy of World War I Sunday, 2 February 14
- 35. “The British economic historian Niall Ferguson in his 1998 book The Pity of War argued that Germany could have paid reparations had there been the political will. Ferguson began his argument by noting that all of the belligerent countries in World War I had endured significant economic losses, not just Germany, and that in 1920–21, German net national product grew at 17%.” Sunday, 2 February 14
- 36. Sources http://net.lib.byu.edu/~rdh7//wwi/versailles.html http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/ treaty_of_versailles.htm http://www.firstworldwar.com/bio/ clemenceau.htm http://www.ushmm.org/outreach/en/ media_nm.php?MediaId=1620 http://ibguides.com/history/notes/terms-of-theparis-peace-treaties-1919-20-versailles-stgermain-trianon-neuilly-sevres-lausanne-1923 Sunday, 2 February 14
The conference and the Big Three
In January 1919 delegates from 32 countries met in Paris to make peace after the First World War - the peace they hoped would 'end all wars'. The conference was dominated by David Lloyd George, Georges Clemençeau and Woodrow Wilson, the leaders of Britain, France and America, often known as the 'Big Three'.
The conference and the Big Three
Delegates from 32 countries met in January 1919, but the conference was dominated by the Big Three - Lloyd George (Britain), Clemençeau (France) and Wilson (USA). The delegations made presentations to them, after which the Big Three made their decision.
Negotiations were difficult. Each of the Big Three wanted such different things, that by March 1919 it looked as though the conference was going to break up.
Lloyd George saved the conference. On 25 March 1919, he issued theFontainebleau Memorandum, and persuaded Clemençeau to agree to the League of Nations and a more lenient peace treaty that would not destroy Germany. Then he went to Wilson and persuaded him to agree to the War Guilt Clause.
The Germans were shown the proposed Treaty of Versailles. There was no negotiation. The Germans published a rebuttal, arguing that the treaty was unfair, but they were ignored. On 28 June 1919, the delegates met at the Hall of Mirrors in the Palace of Versailles, near Paris, and forced two Germans to sign the treaty.
Expectations of the peace treaty
The Armistice of 11 November 1918 was greeted with great joy. The people of Europe wanted lasting peace, and also to make Germany pay for the damage done, and revenge.
The Germans had expected that the peace treaty would be based on President Wilson's Fourteen Points. The six key principles of the Fourteen Points were:
- Setting up a League of Nations
- Disarmament
- Self-determination for the people of Europe - the right to rule themselves
- Freedom for colonies
- Freedom of the seas
- Free trade
The Big Three expected to base the peace treaty on the terms of the armistice, which were much harsher:
- German army disbanded, and Germany to give up its navy.
- Allied troops to occupy the Rhineland.
- Reparation for damage done and war losses.
What did the Big Three want?
The conference was initially planned as a pre-meeting of the big three to decide what terms they were going to ask from Germany at an official peace conference, but the pre-meeting quickly became the meeting where the decisions were made.
The problem was the big three had different ideas about what the terms of the treaty should be.
Wilson's aims:
- To end war by creating a League of Nations based on his Fourteen Points.
- To ensure Germany was not destroyed.
- Not to blame Germany for the war - he hated the Guilt Clause.
Clemenceau's aims:
- Revenge and to punish Germany.
- To return Alsace-Lorraine to France.
- No League of Nations.
- An independent Rhineland.
- Huge reparations.
- To disband the German army so that Germany would never be strong enough to attack France again.
Lloyd George:
- A 'just' peace that would be tough enough to please the electors who wanted to 'make Germany pay', but would leave Germany strong enough to trade.
- Land for Britain's empire.
- To safeguard Britain's naval supremacy.
Revision tip and answer preparation
Revision tip
Write out the various aims of the big three on separate pieces of paper and then match the aims to the correct person.
Answer preparation
As part of your revision, think about thearguments and facts you would use to explain:
- In what sense people's hopes for the treaty might be said to be unrealistic.
- Why the big three disagreed at the conference.
- Why the Germans claimed that the peace treaty was unfair.
- What the motives and aims of the big three were at Versailles.
THE SAN REMO CONFEERENCE IN CONTEXT
It is impossible to understand the complex legal implications of the Arab-Israel conflict without an acquaintance with the basics of following context.
THE SAN REMO CONFERENCE
in relation to
McMAHON, SYKES-PICOT, THE BALFOUR DECLARATION, AND THE BRITISH MANDATE
in relation to
McMAHON, SYKES-PICOT, THE BALFOUR DECLARATION, AND THE BRITISH MANDATE
Article 6 of the Mandate, charged Britain with the duty to facilitate Jewish immigration and close settlement by Jews in the territory which then included Transjordan, as called for in the Balfour declaration, that had already been adopted by the other Allied Powers. As a trustee, Britain had a fiduciary duty to act in good faith in carrying out the duties imposed by the Mandate.Furthermore, as the San Remo resolution has never been abrogated, it was and continues to be legally binding between the several parties who signed it.It is therefore obvious that the legitimacy of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and the Jewish state all derive from the same international agreement at San Remo.
The 1915 McMahon-Hussein Agreement
In 1915 Sir Henry McMahon made promises on behalf of the British government, via Sherif Hussein of Mecca, about allocation of territory to the Arab people. Although Hussein understood from the promises that Palestine would be given to the Arabs, the British later claimed that land definitions were only approximate and that a map drawn at the time excluded Palestine from territory to be given to the Arab people. However in a subsequent change of policy in recognition of the McMahon correspondence, and in violation of its mandate, Britain separated the territory east of the Jordan River namely Transjordan (since renamed Jordan) from Palestine west of the Jordan.In his book “State and economics in the Middle East: a society in transition” (Routledge, 2003), Alfred Bonné included a letter from Sir Henry McMahon to The Times of London dated July 23,1937 in which he wrote, “I feel it my duty to state, and I do so definitely and emphatically, that it was not intended by me in giving this pledge to King Hussein to include Palestine in the area in which Arab independence was promised. I also had every reason to believe at the time that the fact that Palestine was not included in my pledge was well understood by King Hussein.”Bonné considered the letter to be of such importance that he published it in full as copied below
The May 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement
This secret agreement between Britain, France and Russia was concluded by British diplomat, Sir Mark Sykes and French diplomat Georges Picot. In seeking to divide the entire Middle East into areas of influence for each of the imperial powers but leaving the Holy Lands to be jointly administered by the three powers, it clashed materially with the McMahon Agreement. It was intended to hand Syria, Mesopotamia, Lebanon and Cilicia (in south-eastern Asia Minor) to the French and Palestine, Jordan and areas around the Persian Gulf and Baghdad including Arabia and the Jordan Valley to the British.Although intended to be secret, the Arabs learned about the agreement from communists who found a copy in the Russian government’s archives.
The 1917 Balfour Declaration
he Balfour Declaration is contained in the following letter from Lord Arthur Balfour, the British foreign secretary, to Lord Rothschild, president of the British Zionist Federation,Foreign OfficeNovember 2nd, 1917
Dear Lord Rothschild,
I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty’s Government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved by, the Cabinet.
“His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”
I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.
Yours sincerely,
Arthur James Balfour
Arthur James Balfour
The declaration was accepted by the League of Nations on July 24, 1922 and embodied in the mandate that gave Great Britain administrative control of Palestine as d escribbed in more detail below.
THE SAN REMO CONFERENCE 1920
After ruling vast areas of Eastern Europe, South-western Asia, and North Africa for centuries, the Ottoman Empire lost all its Middle East territories during World War One. The Treaty of Sèvres of August 10, 1920 abolished the Ottoman Empire and obliged Turkey to renounce all rights over Arab Asia and North Africa. It was replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.The status of the Ottoman Empire’s former possessions was determined at a conference in San Remo, Italy on April 24-25, 1920 attended by Great Britain, France, Italy, Japan and as an observer, the United States. Syria and Lebanon were mandated to France while Mesopotamia (Iraq) and the southern portion of the territory (Palestine) were mandated to Britain, with the charge to implement the Balfour Declaration.While the Balfour Declaration was in itself not a legally enforceable document, it did become legally enforceable by being entrenched in international law when it was incorporated in its entirety in a resolution passed by the Conference on April 25. Significantly, the only change made to the wording of the Balfour Declaration was to strengthen Britain’s obligation to implement the Balfour Declaration. Lord Curzon described the San Remo resolution as “the Magna Carta of the Zionists”.
Though borders were not yet precisely defined, the conference gave Palestine a legal identity. Lloyd George, the British Prime Minister at the time used the expression “from Dan to Beersheba” that was often used in subsequent documents.
The conference’s decisions were confirmed unanimously by all fifty-one member countries of the League of Nations on July 24, 1922 and they were further endorsed by a joint resolution of the United States Congress in the same year,
The San Remo resolution received a further US endorsement in the Anglo-American Treaty on Palestine, signed by the US and Britain on December 3, 1924, that incorporated the text of the Mandate for Palestine. The treaty protected the rights of Americans living in Palestine under the Mandate and more significantly it also made those rights and provisions part of United States treaty law which are protected under the US constitution. The U.S. Senate ratified the treaty on February 20, 1925 followed by President Calvin Coolidge on March 2, 1925 and by Great Britain on March 18, 1925.
Britain was specifically charged with giving effect to the establishment of the Jewish National Home in Palestine that was called for in the Balfour declaration that had already been adopted by the other Allied Powers. It is therefore obvious that the legitimacy of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and a Jewish state in Palestine as defined before the creation of Transjordan, all derive from the same binding international agreement at San Remo, that has never been abrogated.
Commemoration of the San Remo conference
In April 2010, a ceremony attended by politicians and others from Europe, the U.S. and Canada was held in San Remo at the house where the signing of the San Remo declaration took place in 1920. At the conclusion of the commemoration, the following statement was released:”Reaffirming the importance of the San Remo Resolution of April 25, 1920 – which included the Balfour Declaration in its entirety – in shaping the map of the modern Middle East, as agreed upon by the Supreme Council of the Principal Allied Powers (Britain, France, Italy, Japan, and the United States acting as an observer), and later approved unanimously by the League of Nations; the Resolution remains irrevocable, legally binding and valid to this day.”Emphasizing that the San Remo Resolution of 1920 recognized the exclusive national Jewish rights to the Land of Israel under international law, on the strength of the historical connection of the Jewish people to the territory previously known as Palestine.
“Recalling that such a seminal event as the San Remo Conference of 1920 has been forgotten or ignored by the community of nations, and that the rights it conferred upon the Jewish people have been unlawfully dismissed, curtailed and denied.
“Asserting that a just and lasting peace, leading to the acceptance of secure and recognized borders between all States in the region, can only be achieved by recognizing the long established rights of the Jewish people under international law.”
As stated above, the San Remo Conference decided to place Palestine under British Mandatory rule making Britain responsible for giving effect to the Balfour declaration that had been adopted by the other Allied Powers. The resulting “Mandate for Palestine,” was an historical League of Nations document that laid down the Jewish legal right to settle anywhere in Palestine and the San Remo Resolution together with Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations became the basic documents on which the Mandate for Palestine was established.The Mandate’s declaration of July 24, 1922 states unambiguously that Britain became responsible for putting the Balfour Declaration, in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, into effect and it confirmed that recognition had thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country.It is highly relevant that at that time the West Bank and parts of what today is Jordan were included as a Jewish Homeland. However, on September 16, 1922, the British divided the Mandate territory into Palestine, west of the Jordan and Transjordan, east of the Jordan River, in accordance with the McMahon Correspondence of 1915. Transjordan became exempt from the Mandate provisions concerning the Jewish National Home, effectively removing about 78% of the original territory of the area in which a Jewish National home was to be established in terms of the Balfour Declaration and the San Remo resolution as well as the British Mandate.
This action violated not only Article 5 of the Mandate which required the Mandatory to be responsible for seeing that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of the Government of any foreign Power but also article 20 of the Covenant of the League of Nations in which the Members of the League solemnly undertook that they would not enter into any engagements inconsistent with the terms thereof.
Article 6 of the Mandate stated that the Administration of Palestine, while ensuring that the rights and position of other sections of the population are not prejudiced, shall facilitate Jewish immigration under suitable conditions and shall encourage, in co-operation with the Jewish agency referred to in Article 4, close settlement by Jews on the land, including State lands and waste lands not required for public purposes.
Nevertheless in blatant violation of article 6, in a 1939 White Paper Britain changed its position so as to limit Jewish immigration from Europe, a move that was regarded by Zionists as betrayal of the terms of the mandate, especially in light of the increasing persecution of Jews in Europe. In response, Zionists organized Aliyah Bet, a program of illegal immigration into Palestine.
CONCLUSION
The frequently voiced complaint that the state being offered to the Palestinians comprises only 22 percent of Palestine is obviously invalid. The truth is exactly the reverse. From the above history it is obvious that the territory on both sides of the Jordan was legally designated for the Jewish homeland by the 1920 San Remo Conference, mandated to Britain, endorsed by the League of Nations in 1922, affirmed in the Anglo-American Convention on Palestine in 1925 and confirmed in 1945 by article 80 of the UN. Yet, approximately 80% of this territory was excised from the territory in May 1923 when, in violation of the mandate and the San Remo resolution, Britain gave autonomy to Transjordan (now known as Jordan) under as-Sharif Abdullah bin al-Husayn.Furthermore, as the San Remo resolution has never been abrogated, it was and continues to be legally binding between the several parties who signed it.It is therefore obvious that the legitimacy of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and a Jewish state in Palestine all derive from the same international agreement at San Remo.
In essence, when Israel entered the West Bank and Jerusalem in 1967 it did not occupy territory to which any other party had title. While Jerusalem and the West Bank, (Judea and Samaria), were illegally occupied by Jordan in 1948 they remained in effect part of the Jewish National Home that had been created at San Remo and in the 1967 6-Day War Israel, in effect, recovered territory that legally belonged to it. To quote Judge Schwebel, a former President of the ICJ, “As between Israel, acting defensively in 1948 and 1967, on the one hand, and her Arab neighbors, acting aggressively, in 1948 and 1967, on the other, Israel has the better title in the territory of what was Palestine, including the whole of Jerusalem.
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